School Culture: The “Disagreeable Giver” and the Culture of Continuous Improvement

Summary: Can evidence of successful leadership style in the corporate world be transplanted to schools and kick start a culture of continuous improvement?
Do nice guys and gals finish last and ultimately assholes prevail in the race to the mantle of leadership of an organization? Or do nice folks find success because subordinates feel massaged while the proverbial asshole sinks in a social quagmire of his or her own making?
Does context matter in determining the answer to such questions? What, in fact, are the differences in leadership style that matter in a schools setting by comparison with corporate leadership? Could the “nice” approach work in a setting that is supposed to nurture growth, such as a schoolhouse, but falter in the more competitive setting of a corporate boardroom, where the capacity for rapacity rewards the survival of the fittest? Or is not that simple?
Recently a veteran business journalist, Jerry Useem, addressed the question in an Atlantic article, “Why It Pays to Be a Jerk.” He caught the eye of this school guy always intrigued by differences in culture between the private and public sector. Useem’s conclusions are more complex than his provocative neon title implies. While the case studies he cites come exclusively from the corporate sector, his discussion begs scrutiny of schools culture in various ways.
Wharton Business School professor Adam Grant, author of a current best seller, Give and Take: Why Helping Others Drives Our Success, provides Useem with much of the intellectual heft of his article.
Grant “offers evidence that ‘givers’ – people who share their time, contacts, or know-how without expectation of payback – dominate the top of their fields,” both within and outside of the corporate sphere.
Lest we reflect overly on smiling faces and wonder where the gumption of any enterprise would then come from, Grant clarifies that the traditional “nice guys and gals really do finish last.” In contrast, “the most effective people are ‘disagreeable givers’ – that is, people willing to use thorny behavior to further the well-being and success of others.” A kind of enlightened self-interest combined with a hard-nosed organizational and interpersonal altruism characterizes many if not most successful leaders.
Useem cites his exposure to the corporate culture at General Electric to illustrate the point. The people at GE “are really tough there in the sense that they’re going to challenge you to grow and develop, they’re going to set higher goals for you than you would set for yourself. But they’re doing it to make you better and they’re doing it with your best interests and the company’s best interests in mind.”
Useem also cites Intel’s Andy Grove, in whose culture of “constructive confrontation” ideas are challenged, “but not the people who expound them. It’s not personal.” The goal is a culture of professional rigor in which the competition of intellect drives the company to high standards within a complex marketplace.
Do schools ever approach this rigorous standard? Are schools able to? Do we want schools to pursue such a discomforting standard? Is there something in the nature of the nurture of young people that compels a culture radically different from the corporate ideal Adam Grant describes? Or is there something fatal in the public bureaucracies that are schools, and which struggle to reform themselves, that can be remedied by a shift in culture toward that which Grant portrays? Will ultimate school reform depend on such a shift in culture?
It goes without saying that schools will vary greatly in their composition and culture. Certainly in many schools the now aging school reform movement has lit a fire under organizational inertia and stimulated many well-disposed school folk to improve curriculum and instruction, with anecdotal successes as well as qualitative evidence, yet the cumulative revolution as measured by test scores has not arrived. Claims of improvement in graduation rates leave me unpersuaded against my experience with the many ways such statistics can present a false front.
I worked in a suburban high school with a rising low income population, as the city center became gradually too expensive for poor folks, many of them of color. My school district to its credit recognized the local world was changing and has tried to be proactive in addressing the altered population. My own school was populated with a reasonably hard working staff of more than adequate intelligence, who I was more than persuaded had good will for their students in their hearts. The administrators ran a well structured environment and were themselves capable.
Yet. When I try to conjure a transplant of the quasi adversarial quality of the “disagreeable givers” template as Adam Grant characterizes it into the climate I knew in my school, it simply does not compute. Administrators by character were once teachers and complicit in a more benign environment of supervision, which seemed to approach adversarial fashion only with those staff who were clearly not up to snuff, but who were seldom removed from the classroom for failure to perform, even though the higher stakes testing environment for evaluation has added some edge to administrative scrutiny. As a general rule, if a teacher was perceived as doing a reasonably good job, he or she was not scrutinized closely and respectfully left to order their classroom according to their professional inclinations. On the other side of the coin, teachers confronted by the kind of “disagreeable” shove Useem and Grant chronicle as integral to a successful corporation would not understand it as a respectful initiative but a message of job insecurity, if in fact an administrator engaged in such challenge at all.
There was no hard charging ethic of being pushed by superiors beyond our own perceived limits, though the multiple realities of the work we faced stretched well beyond our willing limits and such demand was a stern task master (or mistress) in its own right.
Is it that the nature of the task is so different from the private corporate sector? Is it that the history of pedagogy, so intertwined with early professional options open to women and therefore gender connections to nurture, has left an imprint on the character of schools? Are schools more bureaucratic in nature than a cutting edge corporation and so allow pockets of complacency? Do the profit motive in business and the fundamental character of the dollar bottom line make quality and improvement both more urgent and more susceptible to measurement of value added? How much does promise of greater recompense have to do with employee willingness to engage in a highly competitive and anxiety replete environment, as opposed to the acceptance of less money for apparently the greater security and lower anxiety of school employment? In this last case, there may be a mirage at work, otherwise why do 47% of teachers leave the profession within five years? Does the private sector simply attract more competitive types, as a larger stage, while education attracts less competitive types who find the engagement with kids fulfilling?
All of the above have cogency, I believe, to various degrees. Hard evidence along these dimensions is elusive. It is not clear if researchers even look for rigorous evidence of organizational cultural differences between schools that are apparently successful and those of similar demographics who are more stagnant, let alone those outright failing.
Kick-ass reformers appear in stories of change, but it is unclear to me if their aggressiveness itself will sustain progress by shifting the standards and norms of the particular setting, or if initial changes will dissolve in the preponderant culture once the aggressive leader moves on. Left on the table is the question whether or not we want our schools to resemble mini corporations, if “disagreeable giver” is the norm of success in that milieu. And if principals are to upgrade their attention to mentoring in that way, will the public and their politicians want to pay for supplementary assistance with their other myriad tasks?
Observations such as these prompt some school reformers to infuse market principles into education. In my own thinking such a model ultimately breaks down with the attempt to inject the profit principle. For a variety of reasons, the complex outcomes of learning and growth are difficult to quantify in such a way. Nonetheless, characteristics of the marketplace do play a useful role. While the imperative to continuous improvement is one of them, the concept does not originate with the corporate world alone.
There are alternative organizational models of continuous improvement and strong standards. Medicine and academia, as well as law come to mind. Peer review, both of publication and disciplinary in nature, seems to play a role in maintaining standards, but perhaps most telling is the highly competitive and hence qualitative standards aspirants must meet before becoming members of the guild at the professional and graduate school level. In other words, in medicine, academia, and law the first rule is quality in. Parenthetically, the argument can be made that access to these respective guilds is limited, which drives up the price in the form of salaries. Teachers take note?
Likely with an eye on these other professional narratives, still other education reformers focus on the rigor of teacher training programs, and programs such as Teach for America to bring type A kids from elite schools into the classroom.
Since education must compete with other professions and lines of work for a limited number of quality college graduates, better salaries for teachers are an inescapable conclusion, whether politically viable or not.
The gaze toward other institutions for models that will shake stagnation out of the school house finds its current champion in testing regimens and the push to tie teacher evaluation to these outcomes. While the focus on testing seems to me to have gone too far, the impulse is understandable. By contrast, the notion of the ‘disagreeable giver” as an engineer of human competence and perpetual improvement, while imperfect, is intriguing and perhaps more adaptable to the interpersonal heart of schools.

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School Suspension Reform and the Real School

Summary: As any reform, change in suspension practices will need to be founded upon staff cohesion and communication, a clearly thought out plan that includes both the mentoring of students and accountability for their actions, and sufficient adult people power to pull it off. Better funding.
The golf course is an odd but strangely appropriate place to recollect that good ideas in education often don’t translate fluidly to real world conditions. My golf game aside, a recent conversation with a veteran teacher as we walked the fairways reminds me that implementation of many school initiatives leaves some teachers muttering behind closed doors, out of the hearing of administrators who put in play the bright idea. In the current school game, new ideas usually mean more work and more time for no more pay for teachers on the firing line.
I am one who applauds efforts to diminish out of school suspension and create other alternatives to consequence (see last post), but I was prompted to recall by this random exchange on the golf course that new baubles seldom are vetted through teachers, who then are left with sorting out the practicalities of implementation, a number of which in administrative planning were not anticipated. Teachers work in a world different from that of their administrators, who mostly forget the reality of the classroom once they have left it. The gap can dictate the difference between success and failure or, more likely as is common in education, an initiative that flames out after a few years to be replaced by the next shining idea (see the succession of different tests required for graduation from high school).
My links interlocutor, a few weeks removed from the clamor of the school year and on summer vacation, works in a middle school that is implementing an alternative to suspension, or which may have decided to stop suspending without an alternative in place.
He reported that kids who would have been suspended in the old regime were returned to the classroom without clear consequence for their misbehavior, and were running riot in his view because they are kids and a long way yet from taking responsibility for their role in culture. In his view, moreover, the lack of accountability and perceived invulnerability on the part of some kids extended to the academic realm, and therefore infected negatively the very standardized test scores upon which teachers often now are judged. In his view the school in the persons of teachers and administrators lost credibility and the respect of the kids, with counterproductive results. Not good to the extent true.
His tale has the ring of some plausibility to this veteran of school wars. Kids need to know someone is in charge, and if the buck is perceived as passed, the omen is poor for schools whose progress we need to see.
It should be obvious (but may not be in some locales) that accountability must be part of any alternative to suspension; accountability needs to be linked to some attitudinal change on the part of the student. Schools, after all, are in the business of learning, and whether we like it or not, inevitably we will not get to academic progress without stimulating emotional, social, and behavioral change in those students performing below their potential, including those who find themselves in disciplinary hot water.
Suspension as practiced historically has been first intended as a consequence to initiate behavior change, and secondly to remove a thorn in the side of the teacher who then hopes to teach without distraction. No evidence exists that I am aware of that the first purpose is served by suspension, but some effective process has to take its place because the teacher’s need to teach and the student’s need to learn with minimal errant behavioral distraction are fundamental.
That said, any partial roll back of suspensions should proceed first with a hard look at suspension history. Is there bias against kids of color in the statistics? Does a clear eyed look indicate black kids get suspended more readily than other groups, particularly whites, for the same infraction? If so, stop here first, and remedy. No use ramping ahead in good intention without confronting underlying bias.
No small task, never done, but a project of on-going feedback and self-scrutiny on the part of administrators and teachers.
A corollary note. Most teachers of good quality initiate suspension rarely if at all. Instead, they deal with misbehavior within the boundaries of their working classroom, by developing such relationships with their students that the kids work with the teacher to minimize disruptive behavior.
On the other side of the coin, research seems to conclude that a strong percentage of suspension originates from an identifiable minority of teachers. Should not suspension reform begin with a scrutiny of the practices or lack thereof in the classrooms of this minority? It may not be a racist issue; the teacher may not be up to the multiplicity of skills it takes to run a well ordered classroom.
Then the accountability piece. A good talking to won’t cut it. The “restorative justice” model used in various cities has the dual virtues of relationship building and remedial consequence within the school community. In school suspensions in the context of teachers specially chosen to pull the kid back to a member in good standing is another. But. Have a plan. Am willing to bet the school in which my golfing companion worked did not have a well thought out plan, and so dumped recalcitrant students back in the classroom without a credible intervention.
The plan needs to be developed in full consultation with the teaching staff, from whom a strong percentage of disciplinary referrals originate. Without the staff’s adherence to the principles being implemented, the project starts from behind the eight ball, and may even unintentionally be sabotaged as a result. Again listen to my golfing source and hear the voice of a teacher uncommitted to a plan which may have been ill conceived or at the very least poorly communicated to him in the limited amount of time available.
Experiment and keep lines of communication open between administrators and teachers, parents and, yes, students. Are principles of justice and consequence and caring for students observed? Be ready to discard the discredited and implement the promising. Won’t be done in a Saturday workshop or a fortnight. It’s a profound change in culture and practice.
Finally, is the staffing in place that will be sufficient to carry out the plan? More people power will be needed in this most human of games, whether through new hire or reprioritizing where staff time is dedicated. It will not be an answer simply to add on more duties to already stretched personnel, whether teacher or administrator, which has largely been the modus operandi in recent years. Here lies another argument for increased educational funding.
Remedy in current suspension practices is correct; but pulling marginal students back from the precipice is too critical to do so sloppily. Let it not be done as do too many education initiatives are, and end on the junk heap, a critical idea poorly implemented.

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School Reform: Race and Class and Suspension

Summary: Suspension from school for misbehavior has long contributed to chronic school failure particularly for African American and low income students. Alternatives to suspension are cropping up in various locales, many of which seem to intervene with more intensive and higher quality relationships.
Long time disciplinary and suspension practices from kindergarten through high school are receiving much overdue scrutiny, due to the obvious but previously ignored havoc routine suspension practices have played in the skill levels and retention of students, including those young ones still deep in primary school. A complex of racial and class interactions complicate the issue probably beyond the current ability of understaffed schools to resolve. Might have an idea what to do, but not the people power, from what I see.
We know that low income kids, and particularly African American low income kids, are suspended from American schools at a rate far out of proportion to their fraction of enrollment, which undermines efforts to boost skills levels, retention, and graduation rates.
Against the tapestry of the shootings in the Charleston AME, and a string of shootings of young black men by police, any examination of school discipline practices raise the same issue of relations between whites and blacks, along with the trickily interspersed issues of class and money.
Because blacks are disproportionately below the poverty line, issues of race and class get conflated with one another, though are not always the same thing.
Relationships between teachers and administrators on one hand, and African American students on the other, are a dance of power and trust in shifting degrees, in which the net public good so far is hard pressed to advance, much as in the communities in which schools reside.
Questions abound. For example, though black students are suspended well out of proportion to their numbers, we don’t know (at least I have not seen data) if they “misbehave” more regularly than their white counterparts, or are simply more likely to be disciplined where a white student might not.
The question makes a difference; are administrators responding to a greater number of incidents with black students, or are they reacting in some kind of institutionally racist way? More to the point, what is the mix of these factors, with the caveat that the balance likely varies from community to community, and with student bodies of different racial mixes.
What vectors are pertinent? Racial factors certainly. Families were ripped apart in the slave trade and for centuries of slave holding, and are still building 150 years after the Civil War. The hegemony of whites lives on in police departments and all parts of the power structure, despite progress. Shootings of young black men by police seemingly occur with too little regard for the sanctity of life; incarceration well beyond proportion of black men on some level seems to echo the prevalence of suspension in black students. Why could it be other than so that young black men and children, immersed in the black community, should not on some level evince rebellion, or defiance, or at least resistance to the structures school places upon all students? Is the school authority perceived as legitimate? On some pre-conscious levels it cannot be seen as such, notwithstanding parental dedication in the black community to support the efforts of teachers.
On the other side of the coin, I find it hard to believe that anyone other than a small minority of teachers and school folk are out and out racist, determined to keep a thumb on their black students. But school authority is part of a power structure and culture writ large that in ways both obscure and obvious deny African Americans ready access to the mainstream. Here to me is a clue that a kind of cultural ossification, or cultural feedback loop, is in place that will take will and strategy to loosen.
The two groups, white and black, to important degrees, are “other” to one another, with too scant meeting, and long seeded mistrust, despite good intentions on both sides. Schools merely reflect the wider society.
School officials, teachers, administrators and the like, may respond to the challenges that black students represent with rigidity, with a form of guilt, because they are asked implicitly to answer for ongoing crimes fully in place before they themselves were born. The healing goes well beyond the academics, and with a shortage of staff for the purpose, teachers and their black students lack the time to go beyond stereotypes of one another to any deeper relationship or understanding. The dilemma is made more rigid by the persistent though fading tendency for teaching models to emphasize the teacher in the front of the room disseminating knowledge – the “sage on the stage” – as well as the invocation of rules and order rather than a more decentralized and relationship based model.
Class also matters. In the outflow of history, our black students inhabit poverty to a degree beyond their proportion, in echo of suspension statistics. Like their white counterparts in poor or single parent households, too many lack a cognitive road map to success implicit in having observed parental attainment. With a parent scrambling to put food on the table and roof over head, supervision is strained and school work less supervised and consequently skills stunted. Trauma of various sorts is too common, together with low self-esteem and, at the bottom, inchoate fear for one’s well-being.
Students of poverty arrive in school distracted by these more elemental concerns, mostly hidden to the teacher preoccupied with math test scores; in some ways if kids do not see education as a route out of their fear, why would they engage? Certainly it is a longer walk with them through misbehavior and creative consequences short of suspension to a point where they more completely participate in what the school community has to offer.
In other ways it seems true that low income children, and black lower income children as well, present educationally different than middle and upper class children. Middle class children will work for rewards of grade and praise, which they have been taught line the route to later work success. Low income kids and black lower income kids as well respond to relationships with the adults around them. Here again is the long walk in the context of relationship where trust is established and the school adults come to be seen as a resource rather than an alien body.
This is too quick a conceptual exercise, but has important elements of truth, I believe. Black students most certainly in my experience respond to adults who care about them and give them time, across barriers of class and race, and to adults who hold them accountable for any misdeeds albeit within a philosophy that jettisons suspension for all but the most egregious issues. It’s harder, and takes more time, but here and there schools are investing in such change in the effort to keep wayward kids in the game, rather than exiling them to the street.
For example, KCTS, the Seattle PBS outlet, recently featured the efforts of an inner ring Seattle suburban school district, Highline, to eliminate most suspension with the use of classroom based interventions in the person of teachers specifically chosen for the low student/teacher ration task.
The San Francisco and Denver school districts have committed to the practice of “restorative justice,” an alternative to suspension in most cases.
In an older account from a wealthy suburban Chicago school district, Whatever It Takes: How Professional Learning Communities Respond When Kids Don’t Learn (DuFour) successively more adult intensive classrooms were implemented until struggling kids shifted gears in a more positive direction. Though a tale in an upper middle class setting and focused more specifically on academic progress, the principles of bonding through intensified relationship remain the same.
While many of these reports do not seem to wring hands over the money it takes to intensify staffing, it is easy to see how fiscal commitment by and to the states from the feds must be a key ingredient in taking such efforts to scale.
The dysfunction of too many of our schools boils down to the fractured relationship between blacks and whites in the society, and to the widening of economic inequality which leaves too many kids of poverty without any hope or road map out that they can perceive. Deepened relationships can repair these wounds; schools are a good place to start.

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School Reform: Listen Deeply to What Teachers Know

Summary: Recent research identifies truths about kids and pedagogy that have long been embedded in the practice of American educators. Time is long past to act more consistently on teacher insights.
The American teacher is targeted from some sectors as the fall guy for the ills of our schools and the complex and frustrating marathon run toward a fix. How else are we to understand the relentless use of standardized testing, not just to measure progress, but also to evaluate in large measure the quality of instruction, and by implication the quality of a teacher’s skills? To teachers hunkered down, under fire, it can feel like the ultimate gotcha. Do this testing ad infinitum to evaluate abilities that are vitiated by the very process it takes to evaluate. Smolder.
The full implication of a couple of recent reports in neuroscience and sociology actually make the opposite case — that the professional and practical knowledge of the teacher corps is woefully underappreciated by power brokers and ideologues and too little given deference in the decision making process. Teachers acting in their classrooms are more deeply and broadly proficient than the relatively narrow profile of their unions imply – unions that have not always acted for the good of school reform. Much as medical researchers have learned to examine healing herbs and plants for medical benefit that aboriginals guard within their tribal lore, so might critics pause to respect the insight teacher types cull from their training and their deep experience with kids.
Exhibit number one I have alluded to in recent blogs. The Adverse Childhood Experience study begun in the late 1990’s in a collaboration between Kaiser Permanente and the Center for Disease control has found what every sensate teacher has known in their bones in their first years of work – that a multitude of the kids they encounter in their work with reading, writing, and arithmetic carry emotional baggage that interferes with that learning in ways both subtle and overt with symptoms both subtle and overt. By implication, proper teaching involves tendering to the muted trauma of the emotional side in order to get to the cognitive skills which are the stated goal of the enterprise.
Of course, this is not to denigrate the ACE study, which is a pivotal, and which gives a quantitative dimension to the problem that teaching experience does not. The plaint is that respectful weighting of teachers’ knowledge would have argued long ago for greater investment in smaller class sizes –where teachers could focus on individual students — as well for investment in student support services – social workers, counselors, mentors and the like. Even the validation of teacher intuition inherent in the ACE study, now almost twenty years of age, thus far has been insufficient to loosen purse strings.
In Washington State, the exception is that the State Supreme Court may have been listening when it found the State Legislature has failed in its constitutional duty to fully fund education in the state. Or maybe that’s just wishful optimism, but we like the hopeful side.
The other validation of teacher and educational lore arises from the journal Brain and Language as reported by John Higgins in the Seattle Times’ EducationLab. A longer story short, researchers had subjects memorize two groups of “made-up” words while their brain circuitry was monitored. In the first phase, the subjects simply memorized whole made-up words; in the second phase, the subjects learned a different set of made up words, but in this instance were taught the constituent parts. Put a different way, in the latter phase subjects were taught building blocks along with the full structure of the words.
When tested later for recall, the building block version of the training activated portions of the brain known to be critical to successful reading and decoding of new words. Moreover, subjects were also able to decode a “new” set of nonsense words couched in the same system as the earlier building block version of the training. By contrast, when tested for recall of the simple whole word version of the memorization procedure, subjects showed little sign of activation of that portion of the brain involved in successful reading.
Experienced teachers, themselves readers, breath this same air; common reading instruction is based upon much more complicated, but eminently accessible building blocks. Sound it out. It is nice to see such pedagogy validated by neuroscientific links, but must school reform wait on the laborious progress of neuroscientific research? What other lore is cached in the experience of the teaching corps that in the common good should be recognized, elevated, and acted upon more immediately?
I’ve a candidate. One day an imaginative researcher, peering into brain circuitry, will document the power of belief, perhaps in self, to lay down neural tracks over which the individual subsequently travels a fulfilled life story. A teacher could tell you that.

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At Risk Kids: In-School Suspension Re-Imagined

Summary: With calls to find alternatives to exclusion of disciplined students from school, in-school suspension might serve as a vehicle through which adult staff and mentors can work with suspended students in a constructive fashion.
In my mind’s eye I can still see the scene from at least twenty years ago. A high school classroom, thirty or so desks, one nondescript window, the characteristic glare of fluorescent lighting, a silence begging the proverbial pin to drop. An adult, a burly athletic type and an instructional assistant, sits hunched over the desk at the head of the room. He sips periodically from his coffee mug, reads a newspaper. Five or six adolescents, students, sit widely spaced in the rows of desks. A couple of heads are down snoozing, a third, with the benefit of the nearby window, daydreams toward the outside and perhaps greener pastures. Another slumps, another reads a magazine. The expectation is that schoolwork be done, but the supervisor in charge of the in school suspension room has arrived at a truce with his charges — keep your mouth shut and I won’t bug you too much to do your work. It is an orderly scene, but not a fecund one. The student silence and resistance to work is that of inmates, compliant perhaps but implacably distant and absolutely unreformed.
I think of this scene as the debate gathers steam about the dysfunctional practice of suspension across too many schools. As test scores stagnate, and every foot of educational progress seems to involve hand to hand battle, attention revolves to those we shut out of school, for short or longer periods of time. Most often little behavior is reformed, yet inevitably the suspended students’ educational progress withers, which places them in increased jeopardy of dropping out of school and of subsequent deletion from mainstream economic viability.
Historically, “in-school suspension” is one alternative disciplinary tool schools have used. The practice does have the virtue of keeping suspended students in the school house, where assorted staff might engage them in a search for an altered path, and where those less recalcitrant might choose to do their schoolwork out of boredom, if not enlightenment. Parents appreciate that they know the whereabouts of their young ‘uns while themselves laboring to make a buck.
The warehousing scene was from my own suburban high school, well into a slow demographic shift to more and more an economically disadvantaged student body, and one increasingly of students of color. The historic march of population back to city, and consequent gentrification, gradually has raised rents and property values in nearby Seattle out of the reach of those of more modest means. Hence, the march to the suburbs.
This in school suspension program, or ISSP as it was known, originally was staffed by teachers on a rotating basis. As school funding lagged, and teachers noted that class sizes went up modestly when one teacher per period was out of the regular classroom doing ISSP, subsequent ISSP supervision fell on the shoulders of less expensive Instructional Assistants. Finally the program was phased out completely, victim of funding cutbacks and its own aridity.
With recognition that out of school suspension practices for minor violations redoubles chronic failure, options such as in-school suspension are bound to be revived.
How might we re-imagine “in-school suspension” so we do not revisit past pitfalls and turn the practice toward constructive ends?
Most importantly, the staff member in charge should be chosen not to provide a plum “off” period in which to grade papers at the front of the desk and to drink coffee, but for their skills in building relationship with troubled kids because, count on it, the suspended kid almost always has some wounds they protect, silently, except when they act them out in a well camouflaged but self-destructive way.
The sterile scene I described initially was not monolithic and modestly a caricature. The coffee drinking newspaper reading coach in fact was good with kids, and had cachet particularly with athletes in their knowledge of his own storied exploits. The school in general had a positive reputation, which I think in part had to do with the quality of relationships faculty had with the student body. The interpersonal dynamic was unsung and more the product of instinctively good people than outright intention, but which since has been compromised by the time diverted to instructional study and its master, standardized testing.
Ideally, the set-up of in-school suspension would reflect a more general school wide conscious dedication to quality relationships with kids. The population of wounded kids is deeper and more silent than only those who find themselves in hot disciplinary water, and all together form a majority of any student body. To document: half of all marriages end in divorce, one in three or four girls has been sexually abused, perhaps one in seven or eight boys, and on.
As a high school counselor responsible for a class of around five hundred students, I probably had 125 or so students on an active watch list for assorted issues which translated into lagging credits toward graduation. The figure doesn’t count students who were underachieving, getting their credits, but at a D or C pace that in many cases reflected silent preoccupations and the inability of the assorted adults around them to reach them where they were.
The body of research on Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) has codified what quality school folk have always known less systematically. Trauma in kids is numbingly pervasive among our kids, damages both cognitive and emotional development, and can fester without intentional intervention.
The literature on resilience in kids is clear that a stable and caring relationship with adults is one important protective factor in overcoming such negative experiences.
So. A suspended student spends the day in in school suspension. Various teachers or quality Instructional Aides rotate through as suspension room supervisor, improving the chance that one of them will have with him a relationship already. Another teacher or a coach or even the suspending administrator favored by the suspended student may drop by during a planning period, having been notified of the event by internal communication. Priority is given by his teachers to send schoolwork to the student electronically via the suspension room supervisor, who will tutor the student and nudge him forward in his assignments. In addition, adult mentors who have been working with the suspended student on an on-going basis are informed and have both in school and out of school contact.
The message is clear – though there is of course a consequence for your misbehavior, you are still one of us and we ain’t gonna let you down or see you fail if we can help it.
Tenacity in relationship, unconditional positive regard; medicine for trauma.
Inspired by the Adverse Childhood Experiences research, film-maker James Redford (yes, Robert’s son) tells the story of its implementation at the Lincoln Alternative High School (Walla Walla, Washington state) in the film “Paper Tigers.”
Those who arrive in an alternative setting are kids in some sense rejected by the standard school system, whose behavior begs understanding, but which can gradually change to constructive within the network of quality relationships the sympathetic staff provides, as Redford’s film documents. In the Lincoln setting, the in-school suspension supervisor has a knack with kids, and so is part of a rich matrix of adults who subtly draw kids in and affect their behavior positively.
Though the staff/student ratio in this and other alternative schools is clearly better than in a standard high school or middle school, and so relationships can be focused on more thoroughly, for my wife and me, both of us experienced in standard and alternative school settings, the narrative of the film was familiar and the feel of the school authentic to life in schools and in particular to successful intervention in the concerns of wayward kids. Though the film is set in an alternative school, its message applies more broadly to mainstream public secondary schools, with the caveat that increased staffing will have to be an eventual ingredient. Check the flick out if you get the chance.

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At Risk Kids: Keeping Them in the Game

Summary: Building of relationships with at risk kids and seeing their misbehavior as an expression of difficulties in their history can short circuit suspension and retain them as part of the school community. This people intensive approach requires deepened funding.

Kids get disconnected from school in a variety of ways, one of which has typically been through the disciplinary process. William, a young black guy and a voluble connector to people, sometimes just had a hard time keeping his mouth shut, a skill teachers prize because it is hard to conduct a class of 25 to 30 kids without some degree of order. Not this day could William contain himself, and in due course he was sent to the office for his “misbehavior,” while the class marched on. Because this was hardly the first occasion, he was given a three day suspension as a standard penalty for his infraction.
As with many such subjects of suspension, the administrative office sent out requests to his teachers for homework for the three days, part of which would require William to self-teach some of the material that was subject of the homework. It took the better part of the suspension period for the materials to be returned to the office for pick up, which didn’t matter because William didn’t seek them out. As an alternative, William also was encouraged by his counselor to email his teachers for the work he missed, but William already lagged behind the class and, like many of his peers in a similar situation, simply lacked the motivation to seek out the work and make up the lost ground. In my experience, seldom do suspended students make up the work they have missed.
So William fell a bit further behind in skill development, in his mastery of the material, in his confidence to make his academic mark, and finally in his sense of connection to the school and in his faith in himself. His grades lagged, failure mounted, he eventually dropped out.
That’s how it happens, disproportionately to kids of color, more disproportionately to African American youth.
The labor simply to improve American schools’ test scores is repeatedly undercut by our exclusion of guys like William, and he is probably at worst a middle level offender. We kick kids out at approximately the rate at which we need to better include them.
According to a Kent (Washington State) School District study, just one suspension marks a student as likely to drop out of school at some point, even if the event happened as early as middle school.
The litany of consequence begins with the moral failure implicit in rejecting our kids from the social body, and continues through welfare and incarceration expenses, and the disaffection of large segments of the population, who might otherwise make contribution to the general wellbeing.
So what might be the paradigm shift that will keep kids connected to the people in their school, in academic prosperity rather than despair?
Well, that in itself is a paradigm shift – to consider exclusion in many cases an inferior option; to create connection becomes the norm.
The trick is not to ignore misbehavior, but to transform it by working with the emotions and personal history that underlie many if not most disciplinary infractions, and in a proactive kind of way, before the behavior occurs. It begins with a resolve to keep the kid within the camp.
Cognition and feeling are intertwined in complex ways. A useful construct called Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE), recently the subject of a Seattle Times Education Lab article, links traumas such as parental divorce, domestic violence, abuse, and even racism and poverty to disruption in brain networks crucial to learning. Multiple traumatic experiences deepen the effect, according to the work of researchers at Washington State University and Johns Hopkins. Teachers and administrators trained in the Spokane School District and encouraged to adopt this perspective found suspensions and defiant behavior sharply down. The wag in me would like to point out that these findings come as no surprise to experienced teachers and administrators, who have struggled to find the time to make use of the knowledge; the research gives a return to the original paradigm fresh impetus and political currency.
Begin young, because the march to dysfunction in the intersection of school and kid usually begins early. Seattle and Bellevue, Washington schools are two districts among a number in the country that use a curriculum called RULER (how clever to harken back to the collective memory of old school corporeal discipline), which teaches students to “Recognize, Understand, Label, Express and Regulate emotions.”  The research base since 2006, according to Marc Brackett of Yale, one its founders, documents the lowering of suspensions and office visits “as much as 50%” in the toughest of circumstances. My student William, he of the rapid tongue, might well have benefited from such an approach.
As a once psychotherapist, I recognize the echo of research based cognitive-behavioral approaches to depression, which induce patients to think about their problems in more constructive ways than is their dysfunctional habit.
The KIPP schools, regularly cited as among the more consistently successful of charter school models, appear to have fueled their positive outcomes in part through teaching self-control of emotions and the value of deferred gratification to kids whose life stresses make them prone to “hot” impulsive and self-destructive responses and hence school suspension. Here again William might have learned to defer his social pleasures for the hallways outside of class.
From a different angle, the “restorative justice” movement, based upon a Maori tradition of shaming and responsibility to community, bypasses suspension in favor of requirements which seek to rebuild that connection. In another example from a Seattle Times Education Lab article a student busted for pot smoking first was confronted with the breach of trust her transgression represented to her relationship with teachers who believed in her, and then agreed to lead some student groups about drug use and its dangers, and to complete some rigorous academic reading and writing. In schools across the country deeply invested in the approach, suspensions have plummeted and academic achievement school wide has improved. Kids are held accountable, but in a way that keeps them in the fold, rather than excluding them as unwanted.
I am reminded of the calls from the African American community about reparations for past wrongs, and am inclined to think of “restorative justice” as “reparative justice” where African American kids are involved.
Parenthetically, quality teachers have always acted in a similar spirit, earning a student’s cooperation in the context of a constructive student and teacher relationship. Relationship building takes time; teachers’ time has increasingly been funneled toward testing and related pressures. I felt in later years I saw fewer referrals to my counseling office than earlier in my career from teachers who once had more time to get to know their students, and so developed concerns from what they learned.
All of these approaches in the intermediate future require heavy investment of school time, personnel, and financial resources. Can’t just lay another duty on already stretched personnel, not if one wants the initiative to bear fruit. Suspension, although too long an unexamined practice, is one option for administrators and teachers who simply do not have the time to do the long work. As the Washington State Legislature chews over its increased funding for education, freeing teachers and administrators to do this “long work” would answer a significant portion of the need for reform. Partly, this is where the class size argument comes in. As a teacher, I am more likely to focus in on individual problems if I have 18 in my elementary classes rather than 28.
Some years ago, I worked with peer mediation in my high school, a cousin of the “restorative” movement. Teachers and students were trained to mediate disputes between students, often “he said/she said” imbroglios. Here too a research base documented cooled emotions and lessened disciplinary action. But it was time consuming of staff energies, which were essential to its function and, after early and some sustained enthusiasm, the program petered out, victim of too many other things to do.
The Williams of our world need our commitment to his place in our community.
We need him too.

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School Reform Begins at Conception

Summary: Emerging research on “fetal origins of disease” poses a challenge to school reform and public policy.
In this era of rapid changes in social consciousness, a man with African American heritage is president, and gay and lesbian folk are taking their place in the pantheon of full citizenry.
These shifts in the culture have happened at a frenzied pace from the standpoint of broad history, but in the same time frame changes sought in our schools have produced only grudging and narrow progress.
It is true that the current point of arrival is the culmination of epochal struggles on the part of African Americans and gays, while by contrast the struggle in schools began relatively recently, perhaps in the Sputnik era, or during the rise of computers and globalization.
The turbulent progress for African Americans and gays should remind us that reform of schools will sometimes feel as though there are as many steps backward as forward.
The educational debate, beset with the sluggish pace of change, has evolved to consider the importance of early childhood education for three and four year olds, during which ages the germination of cognitive structures and early learning can dictate the course of later progress in the incorporation of the complex skills required to compete in a global marketplace.
But even should the debate culminate in a good quality system of early childhood education and support for parenting, emerging science collectively called the “fetal origins of disease” may well anticipate our test scores will continue to lag unless the clock of intervention is turned back still further, into the period of the mother’s pregnancy, and the gestation of child in utero. Just when the importance of early childhood preparation gains some mainstream traction, the curtain is turned back still further to reveal this camouflaged scenery.
In a recent “Atlantic” article, science writer Moises Velasquez-Manoff introduces this branch of fetal medicine via his own worries how the high stress job and sleep deprivation of his wife will impact the future of their unborn child. His is a serious inquiry, with some humorous self-deprecation, but along the way he stumbles upon unmistakable implications for the same low income students that school reform so strenuously tries to reach.
In overview, the research recognizes that poor nutrition, stress and sleep deprivation of the mother while carrying her baby can all negatively affect the child and the adult the child becomes. Such liabilities in the pregnant woman’s life can result in higher rates of mental illness, heart disease, and pre term birth in her offspring; preterm birth presages a heightened rate of ill health and chronic disease, which in turn hamper school progress.
Poor nutrition, along with lack of exercise and higher rates of smoking has long been known to disproportionately affect residents of lower income communities, and to have consequences for the fetus.
The virulent impact of stress seems to have always lurked in the back ground, in common sense traditional attitudes about the protection of women during pregnancy, but have not been so well studied for the effect of the mother’s stress on unborn children.
To some extent science is catching up. Today’s research about the fetal origins of disease identifies the mother’s own altered immune response to stress as the culprit, by modifying the intrauterine environment in which the child develops. In addition, researchers have shown that it is also the mother’s altered immune response in critical periods to disease or sleep deprivation that has implications for the child’s development. Not so much, for example, is it the disease itself acting directly on the child.
The web goes more deeply. Life in poverty is often a scene of unremitting stress. Violence in the streets, fear for a child’s gang involvement, money problems, and a sense of powerlessness to do anything about it. Rage. The accumulated insecurities wear at a young expectant mother, and in turn her altered immune system leaves her offspring themselves compromised in ways the science seems only beginning to understand. The generational cycle of poverty may be deepened as a consequence.
Further, Velasquez-Manoff in the “Atlantic” article quotes Paula Braverman of the University of California at San Francisco: “there’s something toxic about being a woman of color in the US.” “Black women in general are one and a half times as likely as whites to have a child prematurely,” he reports. A chronic load of institutional racism intensifies the stresses of poverty for women both black or Latina and poor.
Obvious questions arise. Do these sequences in the womb also hinder brain development and cognitive capacity, or impact resilience? We know that poor health can impact educational development, but how do we differentiate any effect of poverty on embryonic development from delays due to inadequate post-natal and early childhood environment, let alone the adverse effect of substandard schools? Increasingly, researchers are on the case, but still too little is known.
The social democracies of Europe and Canada, as well as a handful of states in the US, have policies which allow full or partial pregnancy and birth leave, paid or unpaid, and others which mandate job reassignment, presumably to temporarily less stressful tasks. Data from both European and US programs suggest that such measures improve birth outcomes, both fewer preterm births and improved birth weights. To the extent continuing research deepens these conclusions, to the same extent the argument is made to broaden the policies for the well-being of the children whose school struggles trace in part to the stresses of their mothers while pregnant, particularly mothers in poverty.
School reform, this time in utero.
Of course continue the work on instruction and support of struggling learners. Of course continue the expansion of early childhood education. Be prepared that even these ventures will never be enough by themselves. Be prepared for investment in measures that reduce the stresses on low income mothers to be, particularly women of color, in order to buffer them from the forces that disrupt the bringing of new life into the world.
It is telling that many of the countries that outperform the US on international tests of academic progress already are well invested in these strategies.

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Schools and Culture: Our People in Cuba

Summary: Being part travel guide, part educator, your correspondent places Cuban educational reforms and practice at the center of a recent visit to Cuba.
Our full sized Chinese tour bus, improbably ill-suited to the narrow and tangled streets of Santiago, in the east of Cuba, proved a deft instrument in the hands of our heroic driver, as time and again in a turn his side view mirror would barely clear the edge of a building on a cramped corner. The neighborhood was a post-apocalyptic scene of partially finished, partially hurricane damaged cinder block and brick homes, piled up two and three stories like irregular building blocks, or a poor man’s L’Habitat. We climb in such stages like a cylindrical alien to the top of a hill overlooking Santiago. Ahead of us sat our destination, a tired two story building, its blue and white paint job moldy and blackened in the tropical climate. We have come on our People to People visit to Cuba to a regional arts school, where young entrants to the art world learn to paint and draw and sculpt.
Inside the tired but pleasant interior courtyard, which is ubiquitous in Cuban architecture, we meet with the school’s principal, he a PhD, the first black in authority we have encountered. He introduces us to his school, after which we dutifully trek through various workshops to learn about the school and to meet faculty. In an environment that already seems familiar early in our trip, the instructors have laid out their artwork for purchase; many Cubans have alternate forms of making money. In this case, the opportunity to sell their work to well to do foreigners can readily add a month or more to these artists/instructors’ income. We weren’t told how much these particular teachers were paid, but our Cuban tour guide, Jesus, a university educated former high school teacher, made the equivalent of $20/month before he doubled his pay and then some by becoming an English speaking tour guide for the government tourism office, an ironic career path in a country that promises opportunity via free education through the university level for all.
Jesus’ perspective is common. Though citizens of the United States face strictures in how and when they can visit Cuba, Europeans, Canadians and South Americans do not, and so have been flocking to the luxury hotel and beach scene in Cuba for some time. Thus it is customary, as reported in a recent NPR broadcast, to find the income pyramid inverted, with those in the service industry that caters to tourists earning the more substantial income, and the professional class – doctors, lawyers, professors – earning the more modest salaries. Needless to say, those well-educated types notice the disparity, and so gravitate to the tourist industry. We were told that the bellman at the more upscale hotels was as likely as not to hold a PhD.
In fact, Cuba prepares so many doctors in surplus that these medical people are exchanged to other economies as commodities in international trade. For example, their services are exchanged for Venezuelan oil.
While it appears true that Cuba educates the masses to an impressive degree, many end up staring over a well-educated abyss. The moribund economy fails to produce enough jobs to meet the supply of university degrees, whether because of the US embargo, or due to the fundamental inadequacies of an overly centralized economy. I lean to the latter. Give me a centrally managed economy that can match the shear output of free market organization (mainland China looks like a hybrid), and I’ll take back that judgment. I am not unsympathetic to the Cuban revolution for the fruits of it – that is, the education and health care for all classes, and the apparent adequacy of nutrition and minimal housing (I only saw one person sleeping in a doorway in a fashion common in American large cities) — but there is a profound irony in a political culture that so well prepares its people in these ways only to fail them so completely in their lives as economic and political adults.
We were told by one particularly articulate early twenty-something that many Cuban young people would simply leave, if they could. Though there are rumblings of economic changes along the lines of Chinese style “capitalism,” skepticism about its arrival or the length of time it will take to make a difference was voiced by cabbies and young people alike.
Meanwhile, 60% of Cubans have relatives in the US; they know greater economic abundance is possible, and in fact benefit from it in the form of remittances from the mainland. In a bizarre scene at the airport in Miami as we prepared to embark on our trip, Cuban expatriates crowded the departure areas with shopping carts full of goods they were bringing to relatives, the most notable being big screen TV’s. On the concourse airline authorities have placed large shrink wrap machines manned by muscular attendants in order to bundle all these fruits of capitalism for the 90 mile plane flight to the land of Castro.
Though we seldom sensed oppression among the people we encountered, the sense of energy in its stead could have stemmed from the fact that those connected with the tourism industry in fact had reason to be upbeat because they were relative winners in the system. Above all, the energy level seemed to reflect a determination to survive. Which returns us to the anticipation with which the instructors at the art school showed us their work. That each Cuban has multiple ways to make a living was a view of reality voiced by a number of people we met, even if that meant doing so “under the table” in our parlance, or “on the left” in Cuban idiom.
On another, but circuitously related note, we were stunned to learn that Cuba has to import 80% of its food. In the 19th and 20th century Cuban agriculture became dependent on sugar production first yoked to the North American market and then later, after the revolution, to its Soviet patrons. That latter source of foreign exchange evaporated with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and the jobs connected to the sugar industry with it, apparently without other crops and agricultural jobs to fill the vacuum.
Meanwhile in the 1960’s, after a guided disruption in which professional types fanned out through the countryside to bring literacy to the rural masses (a kind of benign Latin great leap forward), the education system may well have become a conduit through which rural masses found their way to the cities. While a common enough engine for this migration may have been the attraction of city life for an increasingly educated population, it occurred to me that there was something in how the system was constructed that served to weaken the ties of the newly educated to their rural communities of origin, beyond the lack of jobs in a sagging rural agrarian economy.
In one contemporary rural school we visited, on the site of the formerly King Ranch, Cuban style (yes, the same King as that of Texas), which served the children of the ranch staff, we were told that the kids whose classroom we visited would stay in the ranch school until they finished fourth grade, after which they would go to school in a neighboring community for grades 5-9. The twist is that this would be a boarding school, in effect mandatory because school through ninth grade is required for all Cuban kids. In a poor country where rural transportation was difficult, and the cost of gasoline prohibitive, it was too expensive to transport these students daily as is customary in the US, and presumably cheaper to board. The cynic in me wondered if such students were then thought more malleable by the regime to its own ends, out of sight and sound of parents for the duration of the school week.
Whether the cynic is to be served or not, I suspect the practical effect in the earlier agrarian years after the revolution, in what may well have been predominantly small elementary schools similar to the one we visited in the countryside, was to unmoor young students subtly from the textures and byways of their rural agricultural heritage, and to increase the likelihood they would seek their destiny in the sights and sounds of urban excitement.
Whatever the mechanism, we were told that it is now difficult to get people to return to the farm, though new “privado” possibilities allow farmers to sell crops on the private market beyond the quota they are to deliver to the government.
The educational conduit to the cities seems further amplified as the student grows into either an academic high school and a university education or some form of boarding technical education such as the art school we visited on the Santiago hilltop. At each stage the student moves to succeedingly more urban environments, because of the need to concentrate specialty school attendance. In another irony, at least some of the progression to higher levels of education is based on merit. Cuba, the meritocracy.
Parenthetically, I was struck by the echoes of our own culture in the brief glimpse we had of child rearing practices in Cuba via our Cuban guide. It was clearly his message that child abuse in Cuba has declined as the country has emerged from the “Special Period” of scarcity after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The implication that better economic times, declining family dysfunction as a result, and rising levels of education eased the harshness of kids’ lives was unmistakable. Similarly, a transition from the old school use of physical discipline to reasoning and the use of rewards and consequences in child rearing echoes an evolution familiar in North America, to some extent linked to the same educational and socioeconomic changes embedded in our guide’s private life.
What of the day to day nitty-gritty on the elementary school level? Besides the small school on the King Ranch, we also visited a first through eighth school in a demonstration ecological preserve, La Terrazas, outside of Havana. Both lower grade schools we visited therefore served the kids of parents whose work bordered on the tourist economy, and so may or may not be representative of all Cuban elementary schools.
Nonetheless, the buildings were more modest than that of the art school we visited in Santiago. Constructed of adobe or cinderblock, and whitewashed, unheated in the tropical climate, they were clean if basic and below the standards American students encounter. Students entered directly into the small rooms from the outside, or from a short hallway that itself opened directly to the out of doors. The kids, as all kids, were cute and well clothed, at variances bashful or shyly communicative, and seemingly well behaved and content to be where they were. They wore uniforms of a color that identified their school level in that particular locality. Typically there were 15 to 18 students to a class, from what we could see with a teacher and an aide, or even two teachers in a classroom. Even at that the rooms seemed crowded.
The schools had older computers, not hooked to the internet, but via which flash drive or CD driven curricula could be explored. In a country where internet access is expensive and limited and its use seems more official than open (though the blogger Yoani Sanchez has earned considerable fame for her edgy comments on Cuban realities), it was not clear to what extent these kids were even aware of the internet and its possibilities in drastic contrast to kids in the developed world. Similarly, the deluge of information common to the developed world seems not to have arrived in Cuba, though we were surprised to get CNN and BBC on the TV in our hotel; here again the cost may be prohibitive and outside the grasp of most Cubans.
In the density of university environments, however, that equation may not apply. One Cuban artist we met, when queried about state censorship of his work and in the general society, commented “there are blogs, flash drives and the internet.” In his view strict regime control was impossible in the contemporary technological environment. And, despite the prominence of the American embargo, many of those flash drives arrive undiluted from Cuban American relatives. Remember the big screen TV’s at the airport.
In elementary schools nationally televised series of lessons are used extensively, we were told, after which the teachers followed up with supplementary instruction and guided practice. It wasn’t clear to what extent teachers created unique materials.
We were struck at the pride with which teachers and students displayed their beautiful handwriting, a characteristic that led some teacher types in our entourage to wonder to what degree the learning in these schools is rote rather than “inquiry” or “critical thinking” based. On a related note, the local guide in our visit to the school in the eco preserve proudly stated that all students had passed the last session of the state exams, which in turn prompted realists within our group to wonder how high or how low the bar is. Cuba, meet Texas?
Similar to news of these passing marks in La Terrazas were other Alice in Wonderland kind of glimpses beyond our immediate proximity that gave us pause in our assessment of what we experienced. An English couple, traveling independently, reported seeing proletariat like tenements crumbling around their Afro-Cuban inhabitants in Havana. One of our guidebooks reported that Fidel had brought some 400,000 Afro Cubans from their rural lands in the Orient, the region in the east of Cuba, in order to bolster his support in the capital with poorer rural folks who were his political constituency. Despite the gleaming renovation of Old Havana for tourists, we had learned that in Havana two or three buildings collapsed daily due to deterioration and neglect, the same crumbling stock of housing infrastructure the English tourists described. They had left Havana in distress at what they had seen.
Despite a common truism we heard, that “all people are the same” in Cuba, with the implication there are no racial distinctions in the way of opportunity, in the same around the corner view we had reason to wonder if shade of skin dictated opportunity. Though the vast majority of people we encountered in person or in the streets were some shade of brown, reliable reports stated that skin color correlated with relative prosperity, despite honest efforts to the contrary by the regime; historical patterns can be wearisome and intransigent. Those who were previously well off remain so, disproportionately those of Spanish heritage; the poor tend to remain poor, and disproportionately Afro Cuban.
Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man comes to mind, lurking in the Afro Cuban tenements of Havana, as does the struggle in the US to get a handle on our sagging upward mobility, particularly as it applies to our lower income African-American brethren. Echoes across 90 miles. The revolution, it appears, must continue. Siempre.

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At Risk Students and School Reform: Will High Expectations Be Enough?

Summary: An impressive turnaround in enrollment, academic atmosphere, and graduation rate at Seattle’s Rainier Beach High School apparently stems from a decision a few years ago to establish an International Baccalaureate program at the school. While high expectations of student capacity are clearly vital in school reform, it may be that there is more than meets the journalists’ eye in the newly minted Rainier Beach experience.
Rainier Beach High School sits in a troubled area in the south end of Seattle. Heralded as an incubator of college and pro basketball players, its academic reputation had shrunk and its student body seemed to be withering away, as academically ambitious and resourceful families in the area found ways to send their kids to schools with a higher scholarly quotient.
By the account of another item in the Seattle Times’ excellent series, Education Lab, that dire seeming death spiral has been stemmed, even reversed, apparently by the introduction of the International Baccalaureate program, aimed by its advocates not specifically at the creation of IB graduates, but at upgrading the academic standards of the entire student body. By anecdote, the atmosphere in the school has turned more scholarly. Each student in their junior year is required to attempt an IB junior English class.
Overall school enrollment has risen substantially, from a total 366 in the 2011-12 school year, to 500 in the 2013-2014 school year, and to roughly 660 in the current school year.
Moreover, the graduation rate has jumped from 54% of enrolled seniors in 2012 to 79% in the class of 2014. Pretty impressive. Claudia Rowe’s article reflects the growing self-confidence evident in the stories parents and students and staff tell about the turnaround.
There is a caveat. With the rise in enrollment, and given the heretofore lowly enrollment in the senior class and its historically abysmal graduation rate, it would take only the additional enrollment of perhaps 40 to 50 capable new students in the Rainier Beach senior class, drawn by IB, to raise the graduation rate to its 2014 high water mark, without substantially improving the lot of those whose poor academic profile generated the poor track record of Rainier Beach in the first place.
From the article, we do not know the fate or the rate of change in this latter stratum of students, nor could we without a fairly sophisticated and expensive in depth study that probed individual lives.
It is the fate of this latter group that urban school reform most fundamentally targets, and which has been the most difficult to crack. In Rainier Beach’s case, it is important to gauge which groups have prospered academically and to what degree, beyond those kids who transfer in who may have been already successful elsewhere.
Of course high academic expectations are an important pillar in any change strategy. I remain convinced from my work as a counselor with at risk high school kids that their internal belief, or lack thereof, in their own academic and personal efficacy was a critical factor in whether or not they ultimately succeeded in school. Surely a climate that communicates “you can do this” is an important milieu in which to effect change in the hearts and minds of at risk kids.
Moreover, it is no small feat to resurrect a school from the dungeon into which it had apparently descended.
While I am persuaded that something substantial is happening at Rainier Beach High School, there are other pillars necessary to such change. To focus solely on high expectations is to run the risk of amplifying an overly simplistic message.
For example, could quality leadership and school culture already have created a medium in which the IB move at Rainier Beach could flourish?
Also, in my informal tracking of successful school reform efforts, I have yet to find one that succeeds without non-academic and academic support for at risk kids, usually funded by outside government and foundation sources. The national at risk youth organization, Communities in Schools (as well as Planned Parenthood), operates in Rainier Beach.
The danger of high academic expectations, as with any singular such focus on one element (high stakes testing is another), is that the concept seems a simple solution to what are in reality a vexing and complex set of issues. Politicians, or corporate conservatives, or wayward educators, can make one or the other of these tactics into an illusory magic wand, simple to advocate, but relatively useless in isolation from other tactics, such as attention to the social needs and personal dysfunction of the kids we are trying to reach.
Support beyond the classroom teacher costs money, which power brokers and the voting public are loath to produce in any abundance. By comparison, testing and high expectations are easier to grasp and may be seen as cheaply productive.
The irony is that even high expectations have a price tag. The IB program at Rainier Beach is supported by federal and school district grants that will run out in another couple of years. Similar IB programs at other Seattle high schools now must be funded out of parental efforts, without school district support. Meanwhile, Rainier Beach resides in a significantly poorer community then others challenged by IB funding, so its renaissance via IB may soon enter critical care.
It would be cheap to charge that the Seattle School District fiddles while Rome burns. The truth is there is not enough money to go around, but so far the District has apparently remained silent to the implicit challenge posed by the Education Lab article.

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Schools and Politics: The Feds, the Locals, and School Reform

Summary: As with institutional racism, as with health care, in educational quality the federal government often is the court of necessary remedy where local leadership fails to guarantee equal protection to the disenfranchised.
In the recent Conservative Political Action Conference at which Republican presidential hopefuls were scrutinized, one relative outlier who needed to validate his bona fides was Bush the Third, Jeb of Florida. Unfortunately for his prospects with that particular political group, he has supported both immigration reform and the Common Core in its curricular and testing incarnations, both of which recommend him to a more moderate and broader audience but which render him suspicious to the very audience he courted.
As a political junkie drawn to this early circus on the 2016 circuit, I found myself focused more than usual on the Common Core tug of war, where partisans on both sides are soldiers in armies with broader agenda than merely the mechanics of school reform.
The proponents of Common Core argue the teaching of skills needed in a contemporary competitive global economy begins with a curriculum designed to teach those skills. Further the argument goes, the Common Core curriculum and the testing that supports it were designed with thorough participation of the states, though I suspect those antagonistic to Common Core find fault with that claim, and charge that the decks were stacked.
On the other side of the aisle, conservative types, with a heavy dose of Tea Party members, resent the incursion of the federal government into educational matters viewed as more properly the purview of localities, with all the cultural overtones implied by the diversity of community in this country. There is also the lingering suspicion that educational matters, in the end, can only be pursued in the microcosm of individual schools and districts, and the federal bureaucracy, to the extent it interferes, will only muck things up.
Well, with these battle lines drawn, we are confronted of late with deaths of people of color, largely African Americans, from Ferguson to New York to Chicago and beyond, at the hands of police. That Darrin Wilson could be exonerated for acting as he did, but deep fault be found in the racial culture surrounding him, no doubt describes the continuing institutional discrimination that haunts particularly black communities, but other communities of color as well.
It is no accident that the federal government plays a critical role in addressing these historical fault lines; nor is it accident that plaintiffs turn to the federal courts for remedy, because local authorities are too deeply immersed in the local culture to muster the requisite corrective perspective, not at all unlike Selma of the 1960’s.
From my vantage point, similar observations could be made about adequate health care. Though the state of Massachusetts stepped up prior to the Affordable Care Act, there are many corners of the republic where good enough health care is more the exception than the rule, and where the local hegemons show no sign of promoting remedy. Again, the federal government steps in to level the playing field and underscore equal protection for all (and along the way begin the process of lowing health care costs).
What does all of this have to do with the Common Core?
As with institutional racism, as with inadequate health care, so it is with floundering and failing schools. Where local jurisdictions have neglected or failed in their responsibilities, and/or by means of dysfunctional institutional structure effectively have denied equal access to quality education, then does not the federal government, as guarantor of equal protection under the constitution, have some responsibility toward remedy, in some cases as the only game in town?
The portfolio for education has more traditionally rested with the states and by implication with local communities. I have to say, having witnessed these last ten or so years of federal efforts to shoehorn local schools into No Child Left Behind, at best with mixed outcomes, there may be something that only local impetus can muster that the feds cannot dream of.
On the other hand, there is no question the feds have created an expectation of change without which change simply does not happen.
Most importantly, would the most badly dysfunctional urban and rural systems ever rouse themselves from their torpor, and from their grinding of their young students, without the bully whip of the feds?
Like institutional racism, like the legacy of poor health care, effective schooling is a fundamental civil rights issue without which other guarantees of equal footing under the law are worth only a little more than the paper upon which they are printed.
So. Common Core may be flawed; it may even have arrived as a manipulation and certainly as unsolicited in some quarters. It may be unworkable in the many instances of standardized testing in which its outcomes are to be evaluated. Certainly in the early going schools and school districts will seem to have performed even more poorly than they did before under more lenient standards.
Thus this is not a brief for Common Core itself, but a conclusion that the feds have constitutional responsibilities in education, in partnership with local boards, to insure that all kids have more or less equal access to quality schools, specifically in a context where localities have failed. Where we now do not or cannot act on this equation, we may hope for greater wisdom somewhere into the future.
To all camps Common Core is a symbol. Certainly for some deeply within their communities it represents federal overreach. To those aghast at the wasted human potential in too many of our children, Common Core represents an effort to override local inertia, and regards local kids as a national resource with a birthright to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

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